Les choix gastronomiques des touristes et leurs perceptions de l'authenticité : implications pour le processus ''hot authentication

Tourists' gastronomy choices and authenticity perceptions: Implications for the hot authentication process

• Auteur / Autrice : Peixin Li
• Direction : Isabelle Frochot, Anne-Marie Lebrun
• Type : Projet de thèse
• Discipline(s) : Sciences de gestion
• Date : Inscription en doctorat le 12/11/2024
• Etablissement(s) : Dijon, Université Bourgogne Europe
• Ecole(s) doctorale(s) : École doctorale Droit, Gestion, Economie et Politique
• Partenaire(s) de recherche : Laboratoire : Centre de REcherches en Gestion des Organisations

Mots clés

Mots clés libres

Authenticité

Gastronomie

Tourisme

Authenticity

Gastronomy

Tourism

Résumé

Les choix gastronomiques des touristes et la perception de l'authenticité : Implications pour le processus de hot authentication Introduction Les corrélations entre tourisme et authenticité existentielle ont été discutées sur la base de l'idée que les voyageurs ont l'opportunité de s'éloigner de la vie quotidienne ainsi que des normes et ordres sociaux dominants (par ex. Kirillova et al., 2017 ; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006 ; Wang, 1999). Les destinations touristiques fonctionnent ainsi comme des zones liminales où les individus peuvent expérimenter la libération et exprimer leur moi authentique (Kirillova et al., 2017). Les touristes peuvent profiter de cette opportunité pour réfléchir au passé et définir des orientations pour l'avenir ; dans ce sens, l'idée d'être fidèle à soi-même devient cruciale (Kontogeorgopoulos, 2017). D'un point de vue existentialiste, l'être humain est projeté dans le monde et confronté à des choix difficiles. Ainsi, des chercheurs comme Sartre ont soutenu que les individus choisissent parmi un ensemble de possibilités et assument les responsabilités inévitables que ces choix entraînent afin d'acquérir la liberté existentielle (Kirillova, 2019 ; Brown, 2013). De manière plus générale, l'acte de faire des choix reflète la quête de sens de la vie (Kirillova, 2019). Cet article vise à analyser les comportements de consommation gastronomique des touristes en examinant (1) les relations causales entre les traits de personnalité et les préférences pour la nouveauté par rapport à la familiarité, et (2) leurs perceptions de l'authenticité et la réalisation de l'authenticité existentielle, afin de mieux comprendre le processus d'authentification. Revue de la littérature Traits de personnalité et préférences Le tourisme, en tant qu'activité de loisir, se caractérise par des contrastes significatifs avec la vie quotidienne, où le travail est régulé et organisé (Urry, 1990). Sur cette base, Quan et Wang (2004) ont développé un modèle identifiant deux catégories d'expériences touristiques : l'« expérience de pointe » et l'« expérience de consommation de soutien » (p. 298). Le modèle illustre la différence intérieure entre les deux en les comparant aux expériences quotidiennes. L'expérience de pointe se réfère aux moments de voyage en fort contraste avec la vie quotidienne, suivis d'une extension et d'une intensification de l'expérience quotidienne. L'expérience de consommation de soutien signifie principalement l'extension et l'intensification de l'expérience quotidienne. Les preuves empiriques montrent que les touristes traversent un processus de réalisation de soi lorsqu'ils commencent à reconnaître l'unicité d'une destination, rarement rencontrée dans la vie quotidienne et recherchée depuis longtemps (Le et al., 2022). Dans le domaine du tourisme gastronomique, la recherche de nouveauté et d'unicité est reconnue comme l'une des principales attractions (Quan & Wang, 2004 ; Mak et al., 2012 ; Henderson et al., 2011 ; Cohen & Avieli, 2004 ; Li & Su, 2022). Cependant, les comportements et préférences des touristes en matière de gastronomie se révèlent complexes. Wood (2010) a présenté deux théories contrastées expliquant ces préférences et comportements : la théorie du consommateur profane, qui met l'accent sur le besoin de rechercher des aliments réconfortants face à un changement d'environnement, et la théorie du « changement de mentalité », selon laquelle les touristes, confrontés à des changements externes, adoptent une mentalité de nouveauté et préfèrent goûter de nouveaux aliments plutôt que ceux qu'ils consomment chez eux. Pour mieux comprendre les facteurs influençant les préférences alimentaires, des chercheurs ont étudié les relations causales avec les traits de personnalité, à savoir la néophilie et la néophobie alimentaires (Mak et al., 2012 ; Ji et al., 2016 ; Sivrikaya & Pekerşen, 2020 ; Sthapit, 2017 ; Falconer, 2013). Les individus néophiles sont généralement plus adaptables aux environnements étrangers et plus disposés à essayer les cuisines locales, à donner des retours positifs et à recommander leurs expériences à d'autres touristes (Baah et al., 2020). En raison du lien étroit entre la néophilie et la recherche de nouveauté, ce trait de personnalité est prédominant parmi les touristes (Sthapit, 2017 ; Falconer, 2013). L'étude de Chavarria et Phakdee-auksorn (2017) sur le marché nocturne de Thaïlande a montré que, malgré la mauvaise réputation sanitaire des aliments de rue dans certains pays en développement, les touristes étaient prêts à goûter la cuisine locale et percevaient cette expérience amusante comme une représentation de la culture locale. À l'inverse, certaines théories mettent en évidence l'impact de la néophobie sur la consommation de nouveaux aliments. Ji et al. (2016) ont observé que, malgré les tendances néophiles, la consommation réelle d'aliments locaux par les touristes est souvent limitée par la néophobie, car les influences négatives et les préoccupations pratiques l'emportent sur l'intention de goûter des aliments nouveaux. Sivrikaya et Pekerşen (2020) ont montré que les différents niveaux de néophobie influencent les intentions d'achat de plats traditionnels turcs. Bardhi et al. (2010) ont observé que certains touristes maintiennent volontairement une distance symbolique avec leur environnement en consommant des aliments familiers. Cohen (1972) a décrit cela comme une « bulle environnementale », créée par les touristes pour maintenir un certain confort domestique et améliorer leur expérience globale (Mak et al., 2012, p. 178). Sur la base de ces théories, les hypothèses suivantes sont formulées : H1a. La néophilie alimentaire a un effet positif sur les préférences gastronomiques orientées vers la nouveauté. H1b. La néophilie alimentaire a un effet négatif sur les préférences gastronomiques orientées vers la familiarité. H2a. La néophobie alimentaire a un effet négatif sur les préférences gastronomiques orientées vers la nouveauté. H2b. La néophobie alimentaire a un effet positif sur les préférences gastronomiques orientées vers la familiarité. Authenticité, « staged authenticity » et authenticité existentielle Les chercheurs tels que Sims (2009) ont souligné que les touristes ne se contentent plus d'expérimenter la différence ; leurs choix de consommation sont désormais orientés par la notion de localité, reliant intrinsèquement les expériences à la nature du lieu et de ses habitants. Hillel et al. (2013) ont proposé une distinction de l'authenticité selon deux origines : géographique et culturelle. L'origine géographique garantit les conditions naturelles uniques pour la production des aliments, tandis que l'aspect culturel enrichit les valeurs locales, le patrimoine et les connaissances liées à l'aliment. Urry (1990) a insisté sur l'importance du « lieu particulier », où le service et les significations culturelles ne peuvent être reproduits ailleurs (p. 40). Plusieurs facteurs influencent la perception de l'authenticité : l'utilisation d'ingrédients authentiques, le processus de préparation pouvant constituer une performance, et la décoration minutieuse du lieu (Cohen & Avieli, 2004 ; Sims, 2009 ; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Les études sur les restaurants ethniques ont montré que l'ethnicité des propriétaires, chefs et serveurs constitue un indicateur direct pour évaluer l'authenticité (Hirose & Pih, 2011 ; Arviv et al., 2024). De plus, la langue du menu influence la perception subjective de l'authenticité : moins les clients comprennent, plus le restaurant est perçu comme authentique (Arviv et al., 2024 ; Skinner et al., 2020 ; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Malgré ces jugements, la connaissance limitée des touristes entraîne souvent des évaluations superficielles (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). L'attitude envers l'ethnicité illustre le contraste entre authenticité perçue et réelle : si les touristes recherchent l'authenticité via le personnel, l'essentiel demeure la compétence culinaire réelle. Les restaurants peuvent donc employer des cuisiniers de différents pays, tant qu'ils possèdent l'expertise nécessaire (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). La capacité des touristes à atteindre une expérience authentique est complexe et renvoie à la théorie du regard touristique de Urry (1990). Les touristes reçoivent une « mise en scène » spatiale et temporelle des expériences sociales (p. 57). Faute de temps et d'informations, ils observent des représentations de la réalité plutôt que la réalité elle-même. L'intériorisation de certaines émotions, comme le romantisme de Paris, nécessite un processus prolongé pour une immersion plus profonde (Urry, 1990). MacCannell (1973) a développé la théorie de la « staged authenticity » en adoptant la dichotomie « front » et « back » de Goffman (p. 590). Le « front » est le lieu de rencontre entre prestataires et consommateurs ; le « back » institutionnel peut aussi être accessible, mais constitue en réalité un « back region » mis en scène (MacCannell, 1973, p. 596). Par exemple, le découpage du canard laqué à Pékin, autrefois réalisé en cuisine, est devenu une performance culinaire visant à mettre en scène l'authenticité. Ainsi, il existe un écart entre « croire en quelque chose » et « simplement présenter autre chose aux touristes » (Hughes, 1995, p. 60). Taylor (2001) critique cette notion de staged authenticity en affirmant qu'elle nie le contact sincère avec les locaux et simplifie l'image de la « réalité » (p. 14). Pour éviter la staged authenticity, MacCannell (1973) préconise de s'éloigner des rues principales, centres commerciaux et attractions (Reisinger & Steiner, 2006, p. 68). Dans le tourisme gastronomique, Kivela et Crotts (2006) suggèrent que la recherche de plats authentiques dans de petites rues constitue une forme d'aventure caractérisant les touristes gastronomiques existentiels. La différence de préférences reflète l'essence de l'authenticité existentielle : la liberté de faire des choix et d'assumer pleinement sa responsabilité. L'échelle d'authenticité de Wood et al. (2008), centrée sur le choix personnel, a été adoptée dans des études ultérieures (Kirillova et al., 2017 ; Yu et al., 2019), avec trois facteurs : vie authentique, auto-alienation et non-acceptation de l'influence externe. Wang (1999) conceptualise l'authenticité existentielle avec deux dimensions : intrapersonnelle et interpersonnelle. L'authenticité intrapersonnelle concerne la construction de soi dans des situations d'aventure, tandis que l'authenticité interpersonnelle se construit au sein de communitas touristiques, sans hiérarchie sociale (Wang, 1999). Cette conceptualisation a été utilisée pour analyser les bénéfices psychologiques du tourisme (Prayag et al., 2022 ; Yi et al., 2017 ; Fu, 2019). H3a. La vie authentique a un effet positif sur la perception de l'authenticité gastronomique. H3b. L'auto-alienation a un effet négatif sur la perception de l'authenticité gastronomique. H3c. La non-acceptation de l'influence externe a un effet positif sur la perception de l'authenticité gastronomique. Authentication Le concept d'authentication est lié à l'authenticité. Cohen et Cohen (2012) la définissent comme un processus social confirmant qu'une attraction est « originale », « réelle » ou « digne de confiance » (p. 1296). Lunchaprasith et Macleod (2018) considèrent l'authentication comme un processus de sélection – la culture traditionnelle ne disparaît pas car de nouvelles valeurs l'enrichissent continuellement. Cohen et Cohen (2012) distinguent deux types d'authentication : cool authentication et hot authentication. La cool authentication est réalisée par des agents authentificateurs identifiables avec des critères et qualifications clairs, tels que les sites du patrimoine mondial (UNESCO). Pour l'alimentation, par exemple, les régulations de l'UE établissent les standards d'Appellation d'Origine Protégée (AOP) et d'Indication Géographique Protégée (IGP). Un exemple supplémentaire est l'Association des restaurants italiens, avec critères précis : ingrédients italiens, vins italiens représentant ¾ du menu, au moins un serveur parlant italien, et chef formé en cuisine italienne (Skinner et al., 2020). La cool authentication correspond donc à l'authenticité objective (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). La hot authentication, en revanche, est un processus informel, implicite et émotionnel, reposant sur la croyance plutôt que la preuve et impliquant la participation du public (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). Elle reflète une épistémologie constructiviste, permettant des significations multiples et dynamiques (Wang, 1999 ; Sims, 2009 ; Stone et al., 2017 ; Lunchaprasith & Macleod, 2018). Les touristes participent à la construction de l'authenticité des aliments locaux. La participation des touristes à la hot authentication est liée à la découverte de soi à travers la gastronomie, et donc très subjective (Gupta & Sajnani, 2020 ; Rickly-Boyd, 2012 ; Mkono, 2013). L'enrichissement de l'identité personnelle, des préférences et des souvenirs se fait par l'engagement actif dans des environnements authentiques. Ces expériences uniques sont souvent partagées sur les réseaux sociaux (Martin et al., 2021 ; Wong et al., 2019 ; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). La recherche de nourriture authentique, la rédaction de critiques, le partage de photos et l'orientation des futurs touristes constituent le cycle complet de hot authentication, sans critères formels (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). L'étude de Wong et al. (2019) sur le foodstagramming identifie quatre éléments clés liés à la hot authentication : expression de soi, connexion sociale, engagement virtuel commun et souvenirs d'occasions spéciales. H4a. Les préférences pour la nouveauté influencent positivement l'expression de soi. H4b. Les préférences pour la nouveauté influencent positivement la connexion sociale. H4c. Les préférences pour la nouveauté influencent positivement l'engagement virtuel commun. H4d. Les préférences pour la nouveauté influencent positivement le partage de souvenirs d'occasions spéciales. H5a. Les préférences orientées vers la familiarité influencent négativement l'expression de soi. H5b. Les préférences orientées vers la familiarité influencent négativement la connexion sociale. H5c. Les préférences orientées vers la familiarité influencent négativement l'engagement virtuel commun. H5d. Les préférences orientées vers la familiarité influencent négativement le partage de souvenirs d'occasions spéciales. H6a. La perception de l'authenticité influence positivement l'expression de soi. H6b. La perception de l'authenticité influence positivement la connexion sociale. H6c. La perception de l'authenticité influence positivement l'engagement virtuel commun. H6d. La perception de l'authenticité influence positivement le partage de souvenirs d'occasions spéciales. References Arviv, B., Shani, A., & Poria, Y. (2024). Delicious – but is it authentic: Consumer perceptions of ethnic food and ethnic restaurants. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Insights, 7(4), 1934-1948. https://doi.org/10.1108/JHTI-10-2022-0470 Baah, N. G., Bondzi-Simpson, A., & Ayeh, J. K. (2020). How neophilia drives international tourists' acceptance of local cuisine. Current Issues in Tourism, 23(18), 2302-2318. https://doi.org/10.1080/13683500.2019.1619676 Bardhi, F., Ostberg, J., & Bengtsson, A. (2010). 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Tourists' gastronomy choices and authenticity perceptions: Implications for the hot authentication process Introduction The correlations between tourism and existential authenticity have been discussed on the premise that travellers are given the opportunity to step away from everyday life as well as prevailing social orders and norms (e.g. Kirillova et al., 2017; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006; Wang, 1999). Touristic destinations thus function as liminal zones where individuals are able to experience liberation and express their authentic selves (Kirillova et al., 2017). Tourists may take the opportunity to reflect on the past and set directions for the future, in this sense, the idea of being true to oneself becomes crucial (Kontogeorgopoulos, 2017). From an existentialist perspective, human beings are thrown into the world confronted with difficult choices, thus, scholars such as Sartre argued that individuals choose from a pool of possibilities and take the unavoidable responsibilities these choices bring in order to gain existential freedom (Kirillova, 2019; Brown, 2013). More broadly, the act of making choices reflects one's quest for the meaning of life (Kirillova, 2019). This article aims to analyse tourists' gastronomy consumption behaviours by examining (1) the causal relations between personality traits and preferences for novelty versus familiarity, and (2) their perceptions of authenticity and the realisation of existential authenticity, in order to gain a better understanding of the authentication process. Literature review Personality traits and preferences Tourism, as a leisure activity, is characterised by significant contrasts to everyday life, where work is regulated and organised (Urry, 1990). Based on this, Quan and Wang (2004) developed a model which identifies two categories of tourism experiences: the “peak experience” and the “supporting consumer experience” (p. 298). The model illustrates the inner difference between the two by comparing them to daily experiences. The peak experience refers to travelling moments in sharp contrast to daily experiences, followed by extension and intensification of the daily experience. The supporting consumer experience mainly means extension and intensification of daily experience. Empirical evidence shows that tourists experience a process of self-realisation as they begin to acknowledge the uniqueness of a destination, which is rarely encountered in everyday lives and something they have been searching for (Le et al., 2022). In the sphere of gastronomy tourism, the search for novelty and uniqueness is recognised as one of the primary attractions (Quan & Wang, 2004; Mak et al., 2012; Henderson et al., 2011; Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Li & Su, 2022). However, tourists' consumption behaviours and preferences in gastronomy manifest complexity. Wood (2010) outlined two contrasting theories that explain tourists' gastronomy preferences and behaviours. The consumer lay theory emphasises the need to seek comfort food when the living circumstances change, in other words, tourists choose to eat familiar food to cope with changing environments. Whereas the “changing mindset” theory argues that when facing external changes, tourists adopt the changing mindset – they prefer to taste brand new food instead of the food they consume at home. To further investigate the influential factors shaping food consumption preferences, scholars have examined the causal relationships with personality traits, namely food neophilia and neophobia (Mak et al., 2012; Ji et al., 2016; Sivrikaya & Pekerşen, 2020; Sthapit, 2017; Falconer, 2013). Neophilic individuals are generally more adaptable to foreign environments and more willing to try local cuisines, give positive feedback, and recommend their experiences to potential future tourists (Baah et al., 2020). Scholars argue that due to the close relationships between neophilia and novelty-seeking tendencies, this personality trait is predominant amongst tourists (e.g. Sthapit, 2017; Falconer, 2013). Chavarria and Phakdee-auksorn's (2017) study of the night food market in Thailand found that despite the commonly known poor sanitation of street food in developing countries, tourists were still willing to taste local cuisines and perceived the fun experience as a representation of local culture. Conversely, contradictory theories highlight the impact of neophobia on novel food consumption. For instance, Ji et al. (2016) argued that despite the commonly observed neophilic tendencies among tourists, their actual consumption of local food is often constrained by neophobic tendencies, as negative influence and practical concerns override their intentions to taste novel foods. Sivrikaya and Pekerşen's (2020) study on traditional Turkish food indicated the significance of varying levels of neophobia in influencing purchase intentions. Bardhi et al. (2010) observed that some tourists intentionally maintain a symbolic distance between themselves and their surroundings by consuming familiar foods. Cohen (1972) described it as an “environmental bubble”, which is created by tourists to sustain home environment at a certain level to enhance their overall tourist experience (Mak et al., 2012, p. 178). On the basis of the above theories, the following hypotheses are formulated H1a. Food neophilia has a positive effect on novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences. H1b. Food neophilia has a negative effect on familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences. H2a. Food neophobia has a negative effect on novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences. H2b. Food neophobia has a positive effect on familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences. Authenticity, “staged authenticity”, and existential authenticity To take a step forward, scholars such as Sims (2009) have pointed out that tourists are no longer satisfied with experiencing something different; rather, their consumption choices are deliberately made based on the notion of localness, which directs experiences intrinsically attached to the nature of the local place and its people. Hillel et al. (2013) provided a more comprehensive criteria of authenticity by distinguishing its dual associations with the origin: the geographical and the cultural ones. The geographical origin ensures the unique natural conditions for the agricultural products to grow, whereas the cultural aspect enriches local values, heritage, and knowledge attached to the food. Urry (1990) stressed the significance of the notion “particular place”, where the service and the cultural meanings conveyed cannot be replicated elsewhere (p. 40). Multiple influential factors on the perception of authenticity have been identified, for instance, the use of authentic ingredients of special dishes, the preparation process, which may function as a performance, as well as the meticulous design with special decors of the eating place (Cohen & Avieli, 2004; Sims, 2009; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Multiple studies on ethnic restaurants have suggested that the ethnicity of owners, chefs and servers is one of the most straightforward indicators diners use to assess authenticity (Hirose & Pih, 2011; Arviv et al., 2024). Besides, the language of the menu is influential to diners' subjective perception of authenticity – the less they understand, the more authentic they perceive the restaurants to be (Arviv et al., 2024; Skinner et al., 2020; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Generally speaking, consumers tend to compare dining experiences to their existing knowledge to evaluate authenticity (Le et al., 2022) and make judgments according to their personal definitions of authenticity (Stone et al., 2018). Even though tourists make judgments regarding the authenticity of restaurants, their limited knowledge often leads to assessments that remain at a superficial level (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Attitudes toward ethnicity illustrate the contrast between perceived and actual authenticity: while tourists may seek to confirm authenticity through the ethnicity of the restaurant staff, in reality, the primary concern is culinary knowledge and skill. From a practical perspective, restaurants may hire kitchen staff from various countries, as long as they possess the requisite expertise (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Hence, the extent to which tourists can attain authentic experiences in a local destination is inherently complex. The associated descriptions can be traced back to Urry's (1990) gaze theory. According to Urry (1990), tourists are provided with a spatial and temporal “packing” of sociological experience through interactions (p. 57). Due to time constraints and limited information, what tourists gaze upon are the representations of reality instead of the reality itself. The internalisation of certain feelings towards a destination, for example, the romance of Paris, takes prolonged process to achieve deeper immersion (Urry, 1990). MacCannell (1973) further developed the theory of “staged authenticity” by adopting Goffman's dichotomy theory of the “front” and the “back” (p. 590). The “front” is the meeting place for service providers and consumers (tourists); meanwhile, the institutional backstage may also be accessible to tourists, but it is in fact a “staged back region” (MacCannell, 1973, p. 596). For example, the slicing of Peking roast duck, which was originally processed back in the kitchen, has now become a performance of special techniques of the chef, serving as a means of staging authenticity to diners. Thus, it is reasonable to acknowledge the gap between a “belief in one thing” and “merely presenting another to tourists”, that is, the distinction between the “authentic” and the “staged” (Hughes, 1995, p. 60). Taylor (2001) criticised this notion of staged authenticity by arguing that it denies sincere contact between tourists and local people and results in an oversimplified image of “reality” (p. 14). To avoid staged authenticity, MacCannell (1973) argued that tourists should “get away from the main streets, shopping centres, and attractions” (Reisinger & Steiner, 2006, p. 68). In the context of gastronomy tourism, Kivela and Crotts (2006) suggested that the search for authentic foods in local settings, such as small streets and alleys, constitutes a form of adventure that characterises existential gastronomy tourists. The difference in gastronomy preferences and consumption behaviours reflects the essence of existential authenticity, namely, the freedom to make choices and to take full responsibility for oneself. In Wood et al.'s (2008) development of an authenticity scale, the emphasis on self-choice was central and was subsequently adopted in later studies of existential authenticity (e.g., Kirillova et al., 2017; Yu et al., 2019). Their authenticity scale comprises 13 items across three factors: authentic living, self-alienation, and (not) accepting external influence. Authentic living means one's behaviours and emotions are aligned with one's true values (Wood et al., 2008). Self-alienation denotes the gap between one's conscious awareness and actual existence, more specifically, “feeling out of touch with the true self” (Wood et al., 2008, p. 386). Non-acceptance of external influence stresses the tendency to resist conforming to external expectations (Wood et al., 2008). Another way to conceptualise existential authenticity was outlined by Wang (1999), which includes two dimensions: intrapersonal authenticity and interpersonal authenticity. Intrapersonal authenticity revolves around self-making, particularly in the adventurous situations, whereas interpersonal authenticity is constructed amongst families or touristic communitas, which refers to the bonds within liminality, without social hierarchies and status distinctions in everyday life (Wang, 1999). This conceptualisation of existential authenticity has been adopted in studies across various domains of tourism to provide analytical frameworks for examining psychological gains (e.g., Prayag et al., 2022; Yi et al., 2017; Fu, 2019). For instance, Prayag et al. (2022) reframed the dimensions as identity expression and affirmation (intrapersonal authenticity) and social bonding (interpersonal authenticity). On the basis of the above theories, the following hypotheses are formulated. H3a. Authentic living has a positive effect on tourists' perceptions of gastronomy authenticity. H3b. Self-alienation has a negative effect on tourists' perceptions of gastronomy authenticity. H3c. Non-acceptance of external influence has a positive effect on tourists' perceptions of gastronomy authenticity. Authentication The notion of authentication is closely related to authenticity. Cohen and Cohen (2012) defined authentication as a social process through which “the authenticity of an attraction is confirmed” as being “original”, “genuine”, “real” or “trustworthy” (p. 1296). Lunchaprasith and Macleod (2018) understood authentication as a selection process – the old-fashioned culture does not diminish over time because new values continuously emerge and enrich it. Cohen and Cohen (2012) further identified two categories of authentication: cool authentication and the hot authentication. Cool authentication is implemented by identifiable authenticating agents with clear standards and qualifications, such as World Heritage Sites (WHS) or United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). With respect to food, for instance, regulations under the European Union's quality schemes have established standards of Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Another example is the Association of Italian Restaurants clearly defined criteria for authenticity: (1) the ingredients must be Italian; (2) Italian wines selections constitute at least three quarters of the menu; (3) at least one waiter speaks fluent Italian and the others have enough knowledge about the Italian dishes; (4) the chef has to have received proper trainings in Italian cuisines (Skinner et al., 2020). Since cool authentication involves clearly defined criteria and standards, it aligns with the notion of objective authenticity (Cohen & Cohen, 2012), which assumes there are measurable attributes, in other words absolute criteria independently judged by experts (Jones, 2010; Wang 1999, as cited in Le et al., 2019; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006). In contrast, hot authentication is more informal, implicit, and emotionally involved process of creating, preserving and reinforcing of authenticity; hence, it is based on belief rather than proof and allows the participation of the general public (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). In this sense, hot authentication reflects a constructivist epistemology, as it embodies the idea that “multiple and plural meanings of and about the same things can be constructed from different perspectives” (Wang, 1999, p. 354). Furthermore, due to the fact that authenticity is defined by different individuals, according to their personal judgements, the concept is not fixed but constantly dynamic (Sims, 2009; Stone et al., 2017; Lunchaprasith & Macleod, 2018). Tourists may be considered as a subgroup of individuals who participate in shaping the constructed authenticity of local food. As tourists' participation in the hot authentication process is closely intertwined with the self-discovery of gastronomic experiences, it is highly subjective (Gupta & Sajnani, 2020; Rickly-Boyd, 2012; Mkono, 2013). The enrichment of self-identity, preferences, travel experiences, and memories is constructed through active engagement and encounters with authentic environments, meanwhile, tourists gain meaningful experiences that solely belong to themselves (Wong et al., 2019; Lunchaprasith & Macleod, 2018). Several studies have associated such unique experiences and searches for meanings with tourists' intentions to share them on social media and review platforms such as TripAdvisor (Martin et al., 2021; Wong et al., 2019; Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). Within the process of visiting a destination: searching for authentic food, writing reviews, posting photos on social media, and offering guidance to future tourists, tourists participate in the full cycle of hot authentication, which requires no formal criteria of authenticity (Chatzopoulou et al., 2019). In Wong et al.'s (2019) study of foodstagramming, tourists' behaviours of taking food pictures and sharing them on social media were analysed, and four key items align closely with the hot authentication process, as well as with the previously discussed theories of interpersonal and intrapersonal authenticity: self-expression, social connection, virtual commonly engagement, and special occasion memory. On the basis of the above theories, the following hypotheses are formulated. H4a. Tourists' novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences positively influence self-expression. H4b. Tourists' novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences positively influence social connection. H4c. Tourists' novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences positively influence virtual commonly engagement. H4d. Tourists' novelty-seeking gastronomy preferences positively influence special occasion memory sharing. H5a. Tourists' familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences negatively influence self-expression. H5b. Tourists' familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences negatively influence social connection. H5c. Tourists' familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences negatively influence virtual commonly engagement. H5d. Tourists' familiarity-oriented gastronomy preferences negatively influence special occasion memory sharing. H6a. Tourists' perception of authenticity positively influences self-expression. H6b. Tourists' perception of authenticity positively influences social connection. H6c. Tourists' perception of authenticity positively influences virtual commonly engagement. H6d. Tourists' perception of authenticity positively influences special occasion memory sharing. 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