Le Parti socialiste SFIO en Algérie : 1920-1954

The socialist party s. F. I. O. In algeria 1920-1954

• Auteur / Autrice : Mouloud Aouimeur
• Direction : Benjamin Stora
• Type : Thèse de doctorat
• Discipline(s) : Histoire
• Date : Soutenance en 1998
• Etablissement(s) : Paris 8

Mots clés

Mots clés contrôlés

Algérie -- 20e siècle

Parti socialiste SFIO (France ; 1905-1969)

Nationalisme

Colonies

Résumé

Cette etude micro-historique consiste a ecrire l'histoire du parti socialiste s. F. I. O (section francaise de l'internationale ouvriere) non a travers son appareil central mais en mettant en valeur ses instances de base. Elle prend pour lieu de recherche l'algerie entre 1920 et 1954, dates marquant deux evenements importants: le congres de tours et l'insurrection algerienne. Pour la s. F. I. O, l'algerie est plus un reservoir electoral qu'un territoire susceptible de devenir un jour socialiste. Les federations socialistes algeriennes participent a toutes les elections meme lorsque leurs chances sont reduites. Les autochtones subissent peu les influences socialistes. Neanmoins, quelques musulmans adherent au parti socialiste pour echapper a la repression tout en evoluant dans le voisinage immediat du nationalisme algerien. Cet acte repond egalement a leur desir tres profond de rejoindre un parti qui est pour eux un symbole de la democratie et de la liberte dont ils sont prives. Certains d'entre eux quittent la s. F. I. O des que celle-ci ne repond pas a ces criteres. Les uns se retirent definitivement de la politique tandis que d'autres rejoignent l'u. D. M. A de ferhat abbas et le f. L. N par la suite. Les socialistes algeriens integrent l'oeuvre coloniale dans leur ideologie. Ils justifient leur position par des considerations morales et des motivations economiques. Leur politique algerienne n'a presque pas change au fil des annees. La parenthese ouverte en 1946-1947 pour demander un statut de l'algerie proche de celui des nationalistes algeriens moderes est rapidement fermee face aux reticences du gouvernement paul ramadier et le rapatriement du gouverneur general yves chataigneau. En effet, les socialistes algeriens soutenaient toujours l'assimilation. De 1944 jusqu'a 1947, ils insistent sur l'application de l'ordonnance du 7 mars 1944. La revendication principale devient ensuite la mise en pratique du statut du 20 septembre 1947. Les socialistes ne pouvaient en realite faire une autre politique que celle des radicaux et des radicaux-socialistes, tres influents en algerie, souvent partenaires et allies politiques. En effet, la s. F. I. O est coincee entre ces partis et le parti communiste du cote europeen, le p. P. A et l'u. D. M. A du cote musulman. Se situant au centre, elle se trouve souvent dans une position delicate.

Our micro-historical study consists of (he writing of the socialist party's history (s. F. I. O = section francaise de l'internationale ouvriere) (the french section of the worker international), not according to its central machinery, but through its basic instances. Algeria is our space of research between 1920 and 1954, two important dates that mark two major events: the tours congress and the algerian insurrection. For the s. F. I. O, algeria was more an electoral reserve than a country that may adopt the socialist system some day. The algerian socialist federations participated in all the elections even if their chances of winning were mean. The natives were subject to a very little influence of socialism. However many muslims adhered to the socialist party in order to evade repression while they continued to believe in the algerian nationalist thesis. The latter choice was an answer to their desire to embrace a party, which represent for them the symbol of democracy and liberty of which they were deprived. Some of them left the s. F. I. O as early as it (the french section. . . ) did not answer these criteria. Some retreated from politics definitely while others rejoined the u. D. M. A led by ferhat abbas or the f. L. N later. The algerian socialists integrated the colonial model in their ideology. They justified their position by moral reasons and economic motivations. Their algerian policy had not changed for years. The opened gap between 1946-1947, which was meant to establish a status for algeria, not too different from the moderate algerian nationalists one, was filled because paul ramadier government's reticence and the repatriation of yves chataigneau, the governor general. In fact, the algerian socialists continued to support the idea of assimilation. From 1944 to 1947, they insisted on the application of the 7th march edict. The principle claim became the application of 20th september 1947 status. The socialists could in reality not adopt a policy other than the one proposed by the radicals and the socialist-radicals who were very influent in algeria. They were most of the time political partners and allied. In fact, the s. F. I. O. Was wedged up between these different parties and the communist party on the european side, the p. P. A and the u. D. M. A from the muslim side. Being thus situated in the centre, it occupied a very delicate position.